In the Spanish Basque Country there are 6 television stations, 3 popular radio stations with varied programs, 5 newspapers, and pintadas scribbled in every sector defacing almost every other building. The effect of these forms of external public opinion can be measured by taking into consideration and comparing the ritual setting of reception (at home, in a bar), the attention they demand from their audience, and the audience's schedule of engagement (in the morning, during the day, in the evening). In the end, personal opinions regarding the various media as well as their education and language content will reveal that newspapers bear the most influence among the general population. The location of pintadas and their graphic composition, at times including target arrows around names and varying in preponderance and thematic according to the neighborhood and school should not be dismissed. Though the medium with the most explicit content of language education is the newspaper the image of language education is directly affected by the content and location of pintadas. Though I believe pintadas have a significant effect daily inescapable effect on their audience, meassuring their effect would entail a more thorough analysis that lies beyond the scope of this field research.

Of all of these medium, it seems television is the most maligned and the least engaged. In casual conversation on more than one occasion as well as in several classrooms, I recognized a certain pride when people stated that they barely watched tv. Only a handful of students, all of them boys, 5 -10 years of age, stated defiantly and with a sense of bravado that they watched tons of tv, all the time, perhaps as much as 40 hrs a week. These statements were received with horror from classmates as well as the teacher. I have heard criticism of television as an imported hobby, "a vice that is rampant in America but is not part of the culture here." Still, it would be unrealistic to say that television is not watched and a mistake to overlook its effect in public opinion.

The six television stations available with a basic antenna belong to 4 separate broadcasting networks: Television y Radio Española (TVRE), Euskal Irratia eta Telebista (EITB), Antena 3 and Telecinco. At present both TVRE and EITB are perceived to represent the voice of the governments that gave birth to them. Televisión y Radio Española was the first media network and was run by the Spanish State until its privatization in the early 1990's. EITB has a similar history. It was founded in 1980 as a Basque government initiative and is in the process of becoming a private entity, though it is heavily subsidized to compensate its losses. But in general all networks can be described as either national or regional. This geographic distinction reflects both the broadcasting range, the target audience and the news focus. The only regional network is Euskal Irratia eta Telebista.

The symbolism of this national vs. regional ratio is used by different local groups to reiterate their worldview. The reaffirmation of a specific local or state perspective is promoted by the networks but used to reaffirm convictions by the viewers. This relationship was expressed by Ignacio a 37 year old technology specialist at a Basque Bank during an interview:

"lo que pasa es que la única manera... de ir concientizando a la gente es ponerles una televisión en castellano pues porque hay un núcleo de población que no ven la ETB1 pues porque no entienden... y como de alguna manera hay que venderles el, la mentalización vasca..."

"la televisión vasca (ETB1)... es una herramienta que utilizan para que bueno, se utiliza en diferente fines para obtener que el pueblo vasco conozca el euskera y viva en euskera"
Ignacio, 37 year old, Bank employee

Ignacio believes that the local television media is designed to sell or promote the Basque way of thinking and is used to gain or reaffirm membership in a Basque community. While many, like Ignacio, believe that Basque television needs to be in both Spanish and Basque language in order to keep its identity alive, regardless of the language, there are those for whom a Spanish language station from the Basque television network represents betrayal and disenfranchisement. The overwhelming presence of Spanish language programming, which often show dubbed US syndicated programs, is perceived as an assault to the Basque national space, a tangible threat to the development and survival of the Basque language and a corrosive force that erodes Basque values and culture.

Instead of kids playing in the park, spending time with grandparents or developing town based relationships the television inserts the risk of presenting different examples of discourse and patterns of relations that break with the Basque way. The most common example used are the Spanish or US definition of possession in regards to one's home or parents, my house, my parents, which in Basque is not possessed by an individual but by a collective, gure etxea, gure aita-ama (our house, our father-mother). The fear is that children will assume the television definition of relations and find the Basque sense of possession awkward. Mikel a 33 year old doctor who himself learned Basque as a second language as an adult is very aware of the mangled sense of possesion

"En forma de evidencia, nunca se decía etxea zurentzako, se decía zu etxerako. O sea, tú eres el que te quedas para mantener esta casa y seguir adelante con, con la tradición de la casa, de la familia, el trabajo de esa casa. O sea, tú eres el que tiene la responsabilidad, no es que la casa sea para tí... no de eso nada. Eso se ha perdido, eso es la cultura vasca. No bailar el fandango, eso lo aprende un andaluz, en cuanto llega aquí, en tres meses si le da la gana." (Mikel)

According to Mikel, foreign influences are eroding the Basque mindset and it is being lost even as the language is making a come back. Mikel's fear of Basque essence being lost can be applied to other values like having close relationships with grandparents, a great respect of nature, and putting a greater value on the advancement of a group than the individual. This last value will be revisited in length in future chapters as it is actively considered and taught in the classroom. This fear is strengthened as adult Basque speaking generations recognize a growing misuse of Basque grammar and individualistic trends among the younger generations.

A sense of betrayal is often expressed at the financial expense that the Basque government has undergone to subsidize yet another Spanish language television station. It is a far more poignant fact that the government has promoted the further symbolic isolation of the Basque language by dividing its resources, creating a single Basque language television station and adding yet another Spanish language station. There is a distrust of the government's explanation that it's intention was to provide freedom of choice in language for the population. The cynicism that accompanies this sense of betrayal was captured by Jaione, a 27 year old executive assistant in a law firm who in her younger years had belonged to Euskal Herrian Euskeraz-EHE (Basque in the Basque Country).

"Aquí lo que nos han vendido es que todo el mundo es libre, libre de elegir el idioma que quiere puesto que los dos son oficiales. EHE denunció el que ETB tuviera dos estaciones de televisión una en castellano y otra vasca y que en la vasca hubiera subtítulos... y es que en este país lo que sobran son las folkloradas, un buen ejemplo por ejemplo la revista de la universidad publica vasca... era en castellano todo y las únicas noticias, las noticias que salían en euskera todo era que si la danza de no sé qué que si las verduras del mercado de no sé donde y los baserritarras y era todo como si ay, como si estuviéramos en el siglo 19 todavía, como si ese idioma no valiese para otras cosas, como si solo valiese para decir que bonito idioma tenemos y que bonito país..." Jaione

According to Jaione, the criticism of television extends to all forms of media. There is little or no comfort in the Basque television since most programming that is done to address Basque concerns promotes the point of view that what is Basque is folkloric elements, sheepherding, dancing, handball, fishing and that the Basque language is tied to these quaint traditions. The government has missed the opportunity to make the Basque language of current relevance and to promote a cohesive picture of a Basque future in practical economic and political terms.

The overwhelming majority of Spanish language programming on television has an opposite reaction among those who see it as a reaffirmation of their notion of living within the boundaries of a State united by the Spanish language. Television is a welcome refuge from the increasing changes on the street where hostile anti-Spanish pintadas are common, bilingual signs are now the standard and Basque only signs are no longer a rarity. The idea of television as a refuge is reaffirmed by the high percentage of entertainment programming.

When seeking entertainment  television viewers are less likely to limit themselves according to ideological distinctions. Being able to entertain a wide audience may be  an attractive proposition for the television stations, but this audience does not seems to be secured but fluid. Television stations achieve the most regular viewership around news shows. News shows are watched by some, like Joxe Mari, the Grandmother and probably María Teresa, at either midday or the evening.

The only regional news shows offered are available on EITB and TVRE. Though TVRE defines its audience as national it follows the official state regions when preparing their local news broadcasts. This attention to the regions in the eyes of many reflects the government perspective on local affairs. Regional news is often presented absent of controversy. In contrast regional stations like ETB1 and ETB2 may extend a news story into several clips in order to represent the controversy surrounding the story. This usually results in the presentation of various opinions within the Basque community. The clearest example of the relationship between public opinion, news and audience is seen in ETB1. ETB1 is the only Basque television station in Basque as well as the only station with a news program about the French Basque Country.

According to the viewers' definition of "the must get information", the viewer will tune in a national or regional broadcast. In doing so, the viewer is defining the parameters of his or her immediate concerns. Getting the newscast is a daily ritual exercise in defining an individual's imagined community and boundaries of relevance. Individuals like Pilar who define themselves as Spanish nationals first would find no relevance in watching or keeping tab of French Basque news. Similarly, if a person who identifies as Basque catches only a glimpse of news but the newscast was from TVRE or another private Spanish station, they will feel as if they have missed the most relevant portion of the news.

News program selection can also be described along the level of controversy a viewer wishes to entertain. The presentation or absence of controversy aids in uncovering the public opinion expressed in subtext of the news shows. Using our examples, Pilar when looking onto local EITB newscasts will be annoyed by the obligatory presentation of different sides commenting on news stories. Her description of the news is tainted negatively, by what she perceives is the endless battle of words and opinions. The newscast of her preference is to the point and presents limited video footage of different sides criticizing each other or simply disagreeing. To the population that actively chooses EITB does so because they witness the dissension, as it is in the dissension that their identity exists.

All networks reported when the Minister of Education, Esperanza Aguirre announced that her ministry had passed several minimum content requirements for History classes. Only TVRE, in their regional news show, and EITB reported that a student alleged that he was the victim of harassment or political discrimination during AEK class. TVRE presentation of the story leaves the news story with the accusation while EITB will provide a counter argument through the presentation of additional news clips from other sources. The difference between TVRE's regional report and EITB's coverage reaffirms the different voices that are popularly ascribed to the stations. TVRE captures the views of the Spanish State which seek primarily to indict regional separatist efforts. EITB reflects local dissension and controversy.

As far as programs airing public opinions in the form of debates and interviews, the viewership is usually coincidental and their subject is rarely education.1 Aside from news and opinion shows, television programming is primarily for entertainment, leaving the expression of public opinion to more subtle forms of representation in series plots and percentage of images that allude to definitions of group identity and delimitation of one's territorial borders. Throughout my months of research there were 2 education based series: Colegio Mayor and *some other program for the teen audiences after school. Both programs dealt with education only in Spanish and presented schools as removed from statewide political issues, love and relationships were the principal concern, Spain was the only national entity mentioned2. The image of language education and nationalism in Spain promoted through entertainment though warranted and relevant is a worthy subject for a separate investigation and more rigorous analysis.

Television is mostly watched at the home. Some bars boast television but this is usually because they have invested in a expensive private channels that air primarily sports events and movies. In some cases the television might be left on during the day as a background distraction while music is playing. Still, overwhelmingly most bars do not have television sets and people tune in to the TV at home.

After observing several daily routines, it is perhaps fairest to say that on average 2 hours of non exclusive attention are given to the television. The daily activity of most individuals engages them outside of their homes most throughout most of the daytime and late afternoon hours. Without ethnic or linguistic distinction, television is watched on an irregular basis. When people are at home the television might be on in the background. In some households, it is watched over dinner, occasionally interrupting conversation or providing a short subject of discussion. If dinner is usually at 8pm and perhaps even at 9 or 10, the hours devoted to television watching are few before turning in for the night.

Based on the inconsistency of television viewership and the more flexible attitude that exists in watching one channel over the other the impact television on public opinions regarding education and language policy is less than that of other mass medium which elicit more dramatic responses and are more ubiquitous.

Among national radio stations, however, a further distinction can be made, Basque national and national activist. The relative economy of transmitting and organizing a radio station make it easier for a diversity of radio stations to arise. Similarly, the risk and expense associated with establishing a television station and developing content is so elevated that the first television stations in Spain as well as in the Basque Country have originally been government sponsored initiatives. The first two private statewide television stations were established in the 1980’s and government stations were privatized in the early 1990’s, though they are still subsidized.

Though television stations were first and foremost government projects, the television’s foreign image has been reinforced with the arrival of US programming dubbed into Spanish. Unlike with television, the radio is often defended as a local tradition. A high regard of radio is taught in schools through popular school initiatives that organize radio news programs and interviews for several different age groups, mostly at the elementary school level. The radio programs are broadcast throughout the school and sometimes even the nearby community with a small tower. Jacqueline Urla’s (1994) article regarding rebel radio stations run mostly by youth groups with radical political and linguistic ideas provides further evidence that once again the radio is a familiar vehicle of expression for the local.³

In spite of this esteem for radio as a medium, throughout my fieldwork, it was more often spouses who work at home that when discussing television habits claimed that this is a culture of listening to talk radio. "I listen to the radio all day" explained a woman who worked at home and at the garden and took care of their calf. When comparing radio to television it is important to note that most avid radio listeners will witness more news and opinion programs than will television viewers, who aside from news hours primarily watch variety shows, series or movies. Still, the radio as with the television are home based activities. Portable radios are a rare scene and when used are primarily used for music. If one considers the time spent in the home is relatively little on average, the effect of radio broadcast news and talk radio appears limited by the ritual setting of reception.

—————–

³  The high cost of setting up a
television station strong enough to broadcast effectively even to a
small area must also be considered as a factor that alienates the
audience from the medium. Though school projects involving video to
simulate television programs might be organized I was not aware of
any such initiatives during my school visits. I believe it is safe
to say that no television based program is as pervasive and active as
early as projects regarding radio and print media.

Radio and Television stations’ mix of news and opinions can be described as either statewide or national. This distinction reflects both the physical limits of their broadcast as well as their selective news focus. As we have discussed, the distinct characteristics of the programming makes the audience’s choice a daily ritual that actively reinforces the individual’s definition of his or her imagined geoethnic community. Among national radio stations, however, a further distinction can be made, Basque national and national activist. This distinction among radio stations is also observed in Newspapers.

As with talk radio, newspapers, by definition, are primarily about news and opinions. Aside from national or regional news events surrounding policy which are likely to be covered other news media, education and language issues enter the newspapers via the province or local town sections. This attention to local town news sets newspapers apart as a media from radio and television. Newspapers become not only a source of national news but also a means for individuals to be up to date with town news. Unlike the other forms of mass media, language and education are covered in various sections of the newspaper on a more regular basis. Some of these articles are in these sections prepared by towns themselves, serving as a portrait of issues relevant to the town. This "portrait" reflects both voices of residents and their organizations as well as information that the municipal government wants to share with the general public.

Throughout a two year period, I regularly reviewed and compared the major newspapers: El Mundo Vasco, El Diario Vasco, Egin and ocasionally: DEIA and  Egunkaria. In a random sampling of 40 days issues from all major newspapers were analyzed to document trends and habits.  The analyisis revealed among other things the a higher percentage of 
articles on Language than Education in local news section. This is not a coincidence but further evidence to the
dichotomy between national and local, which can also be expressed as:

With the exception of articles regarding Ikastola
Activities, Education was mostly treated at the national and state
level. Language policy is at times discussed alongside education in the national or
state sections. The majority of language articles are found however
in local interest sections. An example of such articles is a town press releases
regarding special language related initiatives or events. When looked
on average, the number of education and language related news
stories that were presented via local sections was greater than that
printed in the state section. These statistics result in two
perceptions that once again fall between the lines of Spanish identity
vs. Basque identity. Basques will focus on the perceived distance
of the State policy on Education, reinforcing the notion of
Education being crafted and imposed from above, of non-inclusion on
behalf of the population in the process of change. At the same time,
coverage statistics result in the impression that at a local
and immediate level the emphasis in language policy is such that it
permeates and dictates changes in education.

The charts above also present different reporting patterns for the three newspapers. The relative absence of education and language articles except for those of curiosity and entertainment value in El Mundo Vasco reveals a disregard for local policy news or local controversy. EGIN has the highest number of local town articles and El Diario Vasco has the most Basque government policy coverage. A closer look at the reporting habits and expression of the three main local newspapers reveals three distinct and consistent world perspectives.
Perhaps the most notorious and widely accepted newspaper affiliation is found in EGIN. Few people will disagree that EGIN is the voice and embodiment of the opinions of the militant left. Their world perspective is shaped by their empathy for the suffering of members of the militant left collective, their sharing of a common history of sacrifice and oppression, their vision of an independent Basque Country and any perceived aggression to the Motherland.
Their empathy and loyalty to the leftist cause is recognized by members of ETA as well as by the Spanish state. On the one hand, members of ETA have singled out EGIN as the only newspaper that receives ETA communiques. On the other hand, EGIN has is also the only newspaper that faces occasional searches and acts of repression from the Spanish state.
Lending credibility to EGINs affiliation to the militant left of Basque nationalism we find visual effects on text stressing importance of militant left news. The news regarding Basque prisoners their capture, release, torture or death will garner is symbolically reflected in the Front Page print that is usually 1.2-1.5" high. No other newspaper has front page titles this large and rarely does EGIN’s Front page coincide with other newspapers. Other outstanding Front Page news may include public opinions made about the definition or future of the Basque Country and Basque environmental issues, which are seen as aggression to the Basque landscape. Moments of Front Page coincidence might be the report of an attack by ETA, where the role of victimization follows traditional lines, or the report of Judicial Action against individuals who represent the corruption and repression of the Spanish State.
But what does EGIN say about the success of language policy or bilingual education? The reports on education are all either regarding Basque identity or local town activities. There are Basque language celebration days, announcements of new courses on Basque language and culture, and news on student groups wanting to defend and promote Basque language education. The effect generated by these articles shows a vibrant community showing support and rallying around language and education. When Basque language education is mentioned in the context of the Basque regional government or Spanish state it usually refers to funds being cut back, courses with local content such as Basque language and culture being threatened, individual politicians or entities seemingly opposed to Basque language education policy, and alarming articles about the decline of Basque language education and usage. The composite view is of threats from upper echelons of government these in turn motivate the vibrant grassroots movement that is out to save the day.
Less apparent to the public but easily recognized by it’s contents is the political affiliation of El Mundo del País Vasco with the political right loyal to Spain. From the titles regarding Education in El Mundo del País Vasco one gets the distinct impression that education in the Basque Country is no different than that elsewhere in Spain. Three out of four articles regarding education are situated in the society section and talk about broad issues such as professors with contracts that violate university norms, female students prove to be better than male counterparts in science, US trend in education is to hire student volunteers in research projects.
The two articles referring to the education in the Basque Country, refer to vocational students finding jobs with local firms and how the courts forced the Basque national police to hire 10 policemen who did not pass their Euskera exam. Only one article mentions language education and it does so reporting on the right of individual to job opportunities without learning Euskera. The relative absence of a debate or mentioning of Basque language education undermines the validity and legal enforcement of language policy. This reporting reaffirms the belief that Basque language policy is discriminatory and empowers non Basque speaking citizens with examples of resistance to follow suit.
If controversy is absent from the pages of El Mundo Vasco, El Diario Vasco’s coverage of education and language portrays a struggle between factions, an open stage where there is always controversy. As the charts suggest, El Diario Vasco holds the lead in articles in the Basque government section on language and education policy debates. The controversy however does not follow the same pattern as Egin where the antagonist is always upper levels of government such as political parties in power, heads of ministries and political appointees. In fact, the only newspaper that seems to report on a regular basis about actual plans and funding for Basque language education and policy is El Diario Vasco. El Diario Vasco also reported on HB’s opposition to peace campaign in schools. State news regarding a revision of History curriculum was covered by 3 different articles: one dedicated to the details and two contrary opinion pieces. El Diario Vasco joins Egin, however in the reports of local school activities such as Basque language and culture celebrations organized by schools and school enrollment campaigns.
In retrospect, Egin will report that a grassroots group has demands that banks provide checking and banking information in Basque, however when progress is made and legislation or services made available in Basque El Diario Vasco will report on it. The distinctive reporting for each newspaper results in three distinctive perspectives on describing what might appear to a foreigner 3 different geographical locations when in fact they all address the same region. Readers of Egin are constantly reminded through the news of aggressive actions against Basque heritage at the same time a myriad of smaller local news projects a lively grassroots movements celebrating and defending their heritage and space. Readers of El Diario Vasco see complicated side of developing norms and legislation and the controversies surrounding them. The general impression is that progress is being made to promote and ensure the future of Basque Heritage but there is no pleasing everyone. El Mundo’s readers are left with the impression that their surroundings are under the Spanish state except that there is occasional anti-Spanish sentiment that surfaces in discrimination and violence.

Actual examples of the Egin ‘s depiction of overwhelming odds threatening Basque Heritage’s survival, and the opinion that language policy has been lacking or unsuccessful is found on January 28th 1997, when Egin ran an article stating "Basque takes steps back after Elementary school", "Model D continuity not assured". The article cited the perspectives of the two main Basque teachers association upon reviewing the new division of schools per area. Again stressing the lack of continuity in Education in the Basque language, Egin reported on December 2nd of the same year how the government of Navarre had designated only a meager 0.34% of their budget to Basque language policy. Egin’s public opinion is also evident by its consistent reporting of various groups holding rallies and manifestations demanding the development of a cohesive language plan aimed at normalizing Basque language use.
(I have to dig them out again take some Allegra-D and get more examples here)
El Diario Vasco will describe the different initiatives put in place to promote the adoption and protection of Basque language, and will provide statistics to show it is having a positive effect. El Mundo will leave us wondering if there is any policy at all or what the exact policy is surmising it exists because of the occasional discrimination lawsuit.
As daily ritual, buying a newspaper reaffirms the distinct membership in each group. It is just as difficult to imagine Joxe Mari reading Egin or El Mundo as it is to envision Maria Teresa picking up Egin. If ever they are fresh out of Egin, Miguel will borrow someone else’s copy. El Diario Vasco might have a broad enough appeal to satisfy Maria Teresa or Miguel if the situation was forced upon them. But in general terms, it is safe to say that the majority of the population reads the newspaper daily and their choice of newspaper is not haphazard but a matter of choice, a daily ritual that is part of the daily affirmation of one’s identity as a resident of the Basque Country. As I explore public opinion, I stop to analyze the image of education and language policy crafted in the media. I have analyzed the local newspapers’ content, use of words, structure and appearance to establish when possible the tinted glass through which the news is presented, the world view upheld by the news reports.

click on graph to see larger image 

The graph above maps out the three tendencies in external public opinion and suggests how dramatically different worldviews are reinforced by the media in Oarsoaldea. As we consider the privately expressed opinions we question whether the worldviews neatly divided above will hold or become a backdrop for increasingly fragmented opinions.

The opinions here presented were gathered from 104 in-depth interviews, 192 surveys and the close relationship with five families. Individual opinions have been elicited in a gradual fashion by asking for overall opinion regarding the government’s language policies before entering the subject of school choice throughout the survey and interviews. The in-depth interviews were usually one or two hours in length. These interviews began asking details of a person’s life, language usage and education, and then sought to gather the individual perspective on the development of language education, language policy at large and local schools, and concluded with a mapping of terminology of difference. The surveys dealt with the same issues but in more limited fashion (a Multiple Choice, rather than a Discussion Question). The interviews were conducted in places chosen by the person being interviewed after stressing the personal and perhaps sensitive nature of some of the questions and answers. The surveys, on the other hand, were mostly conducted in schools and wherever volunteers were found: in parks, bars, cultural events and associations. Where the interviews covered mostly adults (non-high school students), the survey mostly represents the school attending population between 16-21. Out of 104 interviews, 90 were adults over the age of 21, inversely, from 192 surveys, 136 were students.
Questions such as "why ikastolas became public or private" and "why some public schools closed" are often tied to explanations of political motives. The question, Have changes in language education policy been driven by political interests? is often answered without ever having been asked.

There are many ways to judge the effect of language education policy, for many residents of Rentería there are the very physical and dramatic closing of schools and the near disappearance of model A from the public schools, but is this considered success? At first glance, it would appear that the population is evenly divided in its assessment of the success of Language Policy with a slight majority believing it to have been successful. In the survey, 45% of the participants judged the policies to have been successful against 43% who believed it had not been a success, 12% were either indifferent or did not answer. Upon further analysis, social variables describing the participants’ ethnicity and age identify specific tendencies among the answers.

The participants that identified themselves as non-Basque, either by answering Spanish or leaving the question regarding national identity blank, overwhelmingly believed Language Policy to have been a success. This opinion is not surprising as through the interviews it becomes apparent that this population has been the one to feel targeted by the policy. These are mostly individuals who have Spanish as their Mother tongue, who over the past 12 years have increasingly been required to learn Basque as a second language.

Margarita is an active administrative resource for the Oarsoaldea schooling region. She is a Spanish immigrant to the Basque Country who learned Basque as an adult and as a local resident has wanted her son to learn Basque as a second language early. Margarita’s experience is an example of a population that has felt obliged to learn Basque and thus are aware that by becoming an inescapable choice the policy has succeeded. However, upon conversing with many immigrants their recognition of the policy’s success is According to her statement is quickly qualified and conditioned. In the ensuing conversation a feeling of persecution surfaces even as they ensure that future generations learn Basque. It is an apparent acquiescence giving in to knowing a language but reserving the right to not to adopt it.

Entonces te digo, éxito? Sí se está consiguiendo que se hable más euskera….
Mira mi caso, yo soy muy capaz de escribir en euskera, soy muy capaz de entender documentos oficiales, incluso pues de escribirlos y defenderme. Y sin embargo, me cuesta hablar. … Y quizás me cuesta mucho por todo el proceso que he vivido del aprendizaje de la lengua, cuando me he sentido muy mal en muchas ocasiones entonces me cuesta.
Mi hijo de nueve años, habla perfectamente, porque pues desde pequeño yo he intentao de que hablase y tal y cual. En el cole, bueno, pues ayer mismo trajo las notas y unas notas estupendas en euskera maravilloso se defiende… No quiere hablar ni una palabra.. cuando está con sus amigos, o sea, no quiere ni oir hablar del tema. …. Entonces, le doy la vuelta y digo bueno, no importa, sé que al fin y al cabo… pero para mí eso no es tener éxito en uno la lengua. Es tener éxito en un uso determinado de una lengua, pero tener éxito es quererla poderte expresar realmente. y a mi me parece que eso en muchos casos no se ha conseguido. Se puede llegar a conseguir, no te digo que no. (from life-story interview with Margarita)

Margarita’s statement begins with a simple recognition, yes, Language policy has been a success in keeping the knowledge of Basque alive and growing. It is followed by a paragraph with anecdotal evidence show how there is knowledge of Basque without love for it. She refers to her traumatic experience, she alludes to taunting and name-calling. The resentment results in her avoidance to speak it and she notes her son though highly competent in the language, avoids speaking it as well.

Those who are learning Basque out of obligation would have probably not done so for what they deem are practical reasons: why learn a dying language?, what good will this language serve? It is better to dedicate the time to learning English, French or German, those are languages that open doors for greater opportunity. In her mixed review, Margarita, after having stated that it is possible to teach Basque and promote affection for the language, turns around and recognizes that the language learned is only useful in the immediate geography and quite useless just a few miles out.

"tanto y tanto esfuerzo para hablar una lengua que sólo te sirve en unos pocos kilómetros que vas 10 kilómetros para allí y no te sirve, vas 20 kilómetros y no te sirve, si te sirve, no pero me preocupa. " (from life story interview with Margarita)

For this group that does not identify first as Basque, the emphasis is on the visible changes that have occurred in the school system. In just, 12 years, schools that taught only in Spanish have disappeared. Now, only a few teach most subjects in Spanish and have Basque as a second language. In the entire Oarsoaldea region, there is only one public school and two private Catholic schools that offer this Spanish immersion alternative. School closings, changes in language education, the emergence of Basque signs on storefronts, the requirement of Basque written and oral skills in certain government positions, the change has been dramatic for those who do not feel Basque.

Margarita’s family experience foreshadows the mixed review that language policy receives from children of mixed ethnic background. Most children of Spanish immigrants and mixed Spanish and Basque marriages make up the controversial new hyphenated ethnic identities: Spanish-Basque, Basque-Spanish. When evaluating the success of language policy these combined ethnicities are evenly divided in their opinion regardless of whether they identify themselves first with either Spanish or Basque.

For those who consider themselves Euskaldunak, Basqueness as an active political and cultural statement, Language Policy has not been a success. Most of the people in this group were also born1 in traditionally Basque areas according to the geo-ethnic imaginary boundaries2 (Anderson 1992). The most dramatic example of this correlation between ethnic identity and birthplace is found among Oiartzungoak, who for the most part are Euskaldunak and the towns’ geo-ethnic imaginary boundaries roughly coincide with its political boundaries. Here, 74% of the survey participants overwhelmingly described the government’s language policy as not having been a success. If one looks at the physical town boundaries for particular tendencies one would quickly note a marked difference between the opinions of those who live in Oiartzun and those who live in Renteria. Citizens of Renteria were clearly divided in their opinion with a slight majority, 48%, declaring the policies a success. However, when one considers the geo-ethnic imaginary boundaries in Renteria more uniformity of opinions is found. The vast majority of citizens of the Basque imaginary town Orereta, like the citizens of Oiartzun, agreed that the government’s language policy has not been a success.

An example of a daughter of Orereta, Jaione though recognizing that knowledge of Basque is growing will not give credit to the government or its policies. Any linguistic gain for the Basque language is due to the efforts of grass roots movements. Once again the prevailing opinion is that the government has not had a coherent policy.

Esos no tienen meta, estos pobres no tienen meta, por dejadez… no la llevan a cabo porque cada 4 años nos cambiamos de gobierno y cada 4 años viene un partido con sus criterios, no hay una unificación de ideas y porque les interesa mandar bien o mal hay que mandar. (from interview with Jaione)

Breaking any expectations of basic Basque ethnic uniformity on this issue are those who identified themselves as "vascos". Only 19% of vascos considered Language policy not to have been a success. The fact that these individuals affirm their Basque identity but do not use the term Euskaldun may explain the departure in opinion from Euskaldunak. Those who choose to use the term "Vasco" are at the same time choosing not to use the more culturally, linguistically and politically charged alternative term. Avoiding potentially radical political opinions is also what is reflected in their statement that the government’s language policy has been a success. Their response recognizes that the linguistic environment has changed and their hesitance to alienate the Spanish population or alarm the Spanish government. This group is traditionally Basque, they share Basque heritage, culture in their family and everyday life, and are mostly politically conservative.

"yo creo que tienen, y tienen una política buena, no, que está basada en la educación, no, y del niño para arriba. No soy ningún experto para saber si hubiese sido posible o conveniente hacer otra política. Entonces como creo que somos, diríamos, trabajamos en el gobierno en algunas de sus ramas, pues te das cuenta que poco a poco, en este país está siendo cada vez más evidente que todo va a pasar por el euskera. Que las presiones profesionales van siendo poco a poco, el problema del euskera todavía sigue siendo que el mundo profesional vive de espalda al euskera. Entonces, claro, yo supongo que el gobierno vasco cuando empezó en el mundo profesional eso no se puede por decreto, no, yo creo que han sido inteligente de no hacerlo por decreto." (from interview with Mikel)

Continuing to scrutinize survey results according to geopolitical and geo-ethnic imaginary boundaries, participants who came from larger cities, like San Sebastian, and people who had come to Oarsoaldea from other places in the Basque Country agreed for the most part (67%) that Language Policy had been a success. Though some of these participants herald from places that might be considered part of the Basque imaginary and they consider themselves Euskaldun their perspective is less shaped by their place of birth as perhaps by their age and academic experience. This group is made up mostly of commuters or relocated people over the age of 33, who experienced Spanish-only education under the Franco regime and often had to leave to other regions to pursue university degrees. For most, Basques of this age group and older, disglosia was a way of life: Basque was the language of the home, of familiar bonds, and Spanish was the professional language, the language of access and opportunity. Individuals from this group also use the term Vasco.