Radio and Television stations’ mix of news and opinions can be described as either statewide or national. This distinction reflects both the physical limits of their broadcast as well as their selective news focus. As we have discussed, the distinct characteristics of the programming makes the audience’s choice a daily ritual that actively reinforces the individual’s definition of his or her imagined geoethnic community. Among national radio stations, however, a further distinction can be made, Basque national and national activist. This distinction among radio stations is also observed in Newspapers.

As with talk radio, newspapers, by definition, are primarily about news and opinions. Aside from national or regional news events surrounding policy which are likely to be covered other news media, education and language issues enter the newspapers via the province or local town sections. This attention to local town news sets newspapers apart as a media from radio and television. Newspapers become not only a source of national news but also a means for individuals to be up to date with town news. Unlike the other forms of mass media, language and education are covered in various sections of the newspaper on a more regular basis. Some of these articles are in these sections prepared by towns themselves, serving as a portrait of issues relevant to the town. This "portrait" reflects both voices of residents and their organizations as well as information that the municipal government wants to share with the general public.

Throughout a two year period, I regularly reviewed and compared the major newspapers: El Mundo Vasco, El Diario Vasco, Egin and ocasionally: DEIA and  Egunkaria. In a random sampling of 40 days issues from all major newspapers were analyzed to document trends and habits.  The analyisis revealed among other things the a higher percentage of 
articles on Language than Education in local news section. This is not a coincidence but further evidence to the
dichotomy between national and local, which can also be expressed as:

With the exception of articles regarding Ikastola
Activities, Education was mostly treated at the national and state
level. Language policy is at times discussed alongside education in the national or
state sections. The majority of language articles are found however
in local interest sections. An example of such articles is a town press releases
regarding special language related initiatives or events. When looked
on average, the number of education and language related news
stories that were presented via local sections was greater than that
printed in the state section. These statistics result in two
perceptions that once again fall between the lines of Spanish identity
vs. Basque identity. Basques will focus on the perceived distance
of the State policy on Education, reinforcing the notion of
Education being crafted and imposed from above, of non-inclusion on
behalf of the population in the process of change. At the same time,
coverage statistics result in the impression that at a local
and immediate level the emphasis in language policy is such that it
permeates and dictates changes in education.

The charts above also present different reporting patterns for the three newspapers. The relative absence of education and language articles except for those of curiosity and entertainment value in El Mundo Vasco reveals a disregard for local policy news or local controversy. EGIN has the highest number of local town articles and El Diario Vasco has the most Basque government policy coverage. A closer look at the reporting habits and expression of the three main local newspapers reveals three distinct and consistent world perspectives.
Perhaps the most notorious and widely accepted newspaper affiliation is found in EGIN. Few people will disagree that EGIN is the voice and embodiment of the opinions of the militant left. Their world perspective is shaped by their empathy for the suffering of members of the militant left collective, their sharing of a common history of sacrifice and oppression, their vision of an independent Basque Country and any perceived aggression to the Motherland.
Their empathy and loyalty to the leftist cause is recognized by members of ETA as well as by the Spanish state. On the one hand, members of ETA have singled out EGIN as the only newspaper that receives ETA communiques. On the other hand, EGIN has is also the only newspaper that faces occasional searches and acts of repression from the Spanish state.
Lending credibility to EGINs affiliation to the militant left of Basque nationalism we find visual effects on text stressing importance of militant left news. The news regarding Basque prisoners their capture, release, torture or death will garner is symbolically reflected in the Front Page print that is usually 1.2-1.5" high. No other newspaper has front page titles this large and rarely does EGIN’s Front page coincide with other newspapers. Other outstanding Front Page news may include public opinions made about the definition or future of the Basque Country and Basque environmental issues, which are seen as aggression to the Basque landscape. Moments of Front Page coincidence might be the report of an attack by ETA, where the role of victimization follows traditional lines, or the report of Judicial Action against individuals who represent the corruption and repression of the Spanish State.
But what does EGIN say about the success of language policy or bilingual education? The reports on education are all either regarding Basque identity or local town activities. There are Basque language celebration days, announcements of new courses on Basque language and culture, and news on student groups wanting to defend and promote Basque language education. The effect generated by these articles shows a vibrant community showing support and rallying around language and education. When Basque language education is mentioned in the context of the Basque regional government or Spanish state it usually refers to funds being cut back, courses with local content such as Basque language and culture being threatened, individual politicians or entities seemingly opposed to Basque language education policy, and alarming articles about the decline of Basque language education and usage. The composite view is of threats from upper echelons of government these in turn motivate the vibrant grassroots movement that is out to save the day.
Less apparent to the public but easily recognized by it’s contents is the political affiliation of El Mundo del País Vasco with the political right loyal to Spain. From the titles regarding Education in El Mundo del País Vasco one gets the distinct impression that education in the Basque Country is no different than that elsewhere in Spain. Three out of four articles regarding education are situated in the society section and talk about broad issues such as professors with contracts that violate university norms, female students prove to be better than male counterparts in science, US trend in education is to hire student volunteers in research projects.
The two articles referring to the education in the Basque Country, refer to vocational students finding jobs with local firms and how the courts forced the Basque national police to hire 10 policemen who did not pass their Euskera exam. Only one article mentions language education and it does so reporting on the right of individual to job opportunities without learning Euskera. The relative absence of a debate or mentioning of Basque language education undermines the validity and legal enforcement of language policy. This reporting reaffirms the belief that Basque language policy is discriminatory and empowers non Basque speaking citizens with examples of resistance to follow suit.
If controversy is absent from the pages of El Mundo Vasco, El Diario Vasco’s coverage of education and language portrays a struggle between factions, an open stage where there is always controversy. As the charts suggest, El Diario Vasco holds the lead in articles in the Basque government section on language and education policy debates. The controversy however does not follow the same pattern as Egin where the antagonist is always upper levels of government such as political parties in power, heads of ministries and political appointees. In fact, the only newspaper that seems to report on a regular basis about actual plans and funding for Basque language education and policy is El Diario Vasco. El Diario Vasco also reported on HB’s opposition to peace campaign in schools. State news regarding a revision of History curriculum was covered by 3 different articles: one dedicated to the details and two contrary opinion pieces. El Diario Vasco joins Egin, however in the reports of local school activities such as Basque language and culture celebrations organized by schools and school enrollment campaigns.
In retrospect, Egin will report that a grassroots group has demands that banks provide checking and banking information in Basque, however when progress is made and legislation or services made available in Basque El Diario Vasco will report on it. The distinctive reporting for each newspaper results in three distinctive perspectives on describing what might appear to a foreigner 3 different geographical locations when in fact they all address the same region. Readers of Egin are constantly reminded through the news of aggressive actions against Basque heritage at the same time a myriad of smaller local news projects a lively grassroots movements celebrating and defending their heritage and space. Readers of El Diario Vasco see complicated side of developing norms and legislation and the controversies surrounding them. The general impression is that progress is being made to promote and ensure the future of Basque Heritage but there is no pleasing everyone. El Mundo’s readers are left with the impression that their surroundings are under the Spanish state except that there is occasional anti-Spanish sentiment that surfaces in discrimination and violence.

Actual examples of the Egin ‘s depiction of overwhelming odds threatening Basque Heritage’s survival, and the opinion that language policy has been lacking or unsuccessful is found on January 28th 1997, when Egin ran an article stating "Basque takes steps back after Elementary school", "Model D continuity not assured". The article cited the perspectives of the two main Basque teachers association upon reviewing the new division of schools per area. Again stressing the lack of continuity in Education in the Basque language, Egin reported on December 2nd of the same year how the government of Navarre had designated only a meager 0.34% of their budget to Basque language policy. Egin’s public opinion is also evident by its consistent reporting of various groups holding rallies and manifestations demanding the development of a cohesive language plan aimed at normalizing Basque language use.
(I have to dig them out again take some Allegra-D and get more examples here)
El Diario Vasco will describe the different initiatives put in place to promote the adoption and protection of Basque language, and will provide statistics to show it is having a positive effect. El Mundo will leave us wondering if there is any policy at all or what the exact policy is surmising it exists because of the occasional discrimination lawsuit.
As daily ritual, buying a newspaper reaffirms the distinct membership in each group. It is just as difficult to imagine Joxe Mari reading Egin or El Mundo as it is to envision Maria Teresa picking up Egin. If ever they are fresh out of Egin, Miguel will borrow someone else’s copy. El Diario Vasco might have a broad enough appeal to satisfy Maria Teresa or Miguel if the situation was forced upon them. But in general terms, it is safe to say that the majority of the population reads the newspaper daily and their choice of newspaper is not haphazard but a matter of choice, a daily ritual that is part of the daily affirmation of one’s identity as a resident of the Basque Country. As I explore public opinion, I stop to analyze the image of education and language policy crafted in the media. I have analyzed the local newspapers’ content, use of words, structure and appearance to establish when possible the tinted glass through which the news is presented, the world view upheld by the news reports.

click on graph to see larger image 

The graph above maps out the three tendencies in external public opinion and suggests how dramatically different worldviews are reinforced by the media in Oarsoaldea. As we consider the privately expressed opinions we question whether the worldviews neatly divided above will hold or become a backdrop for increasingly fragmented opinions.

The opinions here presented were gathered from 104 in-depth interviews, 192 surveys and the close relationship with five families. Individual opinions have been elicited in a gradual fashion by asking for overall opinion regarding the government’s language policies before entering the subject of school choice throughout the survey and interviews. The in-depth interviews were usually one or two hours in length. These interviews began asking details of a person’s life, language usage and education, and then sought to gather the individual perspective on the development of language education, language policy at large and local schools, and concluded with a mapping of terminology of difference. The surveys dealt with the same issues but in more limited fashion (a Multiple Choice, rather than a Discussion Question). The interviews were conducted in places chosen by the person being interviewed after stressing the personal and perhaps sensitive nature of some of the questions and answers. The surveys, on the other hand, were mostly conducted in schools and wherever volunteers were found: in parks, bars, cultural events and associations. Where the interviews covered mostly adults (non-high school students), the survey mostly represents the school attending population between 16-21. Out of 104 interviews, 90 were adults over the age of 21, inversely, from 192 surveys, 136 were students.
Questions such as "why ikastolas became public or private" and "why some public schools closed" are often tied to explanations of political motives. The question, Have changes in language education policy been driven by political interests? is often answered without ever having been asked.

There are many ways to judge the effect of language education policy, for many residents of Rentería there are the very physical and dramatic closing of schools and the near disappearance of model A from the public schools, but is this considered success? At first glance, it would appear that the population is evenly divided in its assessment of the success of Language Policy with a slight majority believing it to have been successful. In the survey, 45% of the participants judged the policies to have been successful against 43% who believed it had not been a success, 12% were either indifferent or did not answer. Upon further analysis, social variables describing the participants’ ethnicity and age identify specific tendencies among the answers.

The participants that identified themselves as non-Basque, either by answering Spanish or leaving the question regarding national identity blank, overwhelmingly believed Language Policy to have been a success. This opinion is not surprising as through the interviews it becomes apparent that this population has been the one to feel targeted by the policy. These are mostly individuals who have Spanish as their Mother tongue, who over the past 12 years have increasingly been required to learn Basque as a second language.

Margarita is an active administrative resource for the Oarsoaldea schooling region. She is a Spanish immigrant to the Basque Country who learned Basque as an adult and as a local resident has wanted her son to learn Basque as a second language early. Margarita’s experience is an example of a population that has felt obliged to learn Basque and thus are aware that by becoming an inescapable choice the policy has succeeded. However, upon conversing with many immigrants their recognition of the policy’s success is According to her statement is quickly qualified and conditioned. In the ensuing conversation a feeling of persecution surfaces even as they ensure that future generations learn Basque. It is an apparent acquiescence giving in to knowing a language but reserving the right to not to adopt it.

Entonces te digo, éxito? Sí se está consiguiendo que se hable más euskera….
Mira mi caso, yo soy muy capaz de escribir en euskera, soy muy capaz de entender documentos oficiales, incluso pues de escribirlos y defenderme. Y sin embargo, me cuesta hablar. … Y quizás me cuesta mucho por todo el proceso que he vivido del aprendizaje de la lengua, cuando me he sentido muy mal en muchas ocasiones entonces me cuesta.
Mi hijo de nueve años, habla perfectamente, porque pues desde pequeño yo he intentao de que hablase y tal y cual. En el cole, bueno, pues ayer mismo trajo las notas y unas notas estupendas en euskera maravilloso se defiende… No quiere hablar ni una palabra.. cuando está con sus amigos, o sea, no quiere ni oir hablar del tema. …. Entonces, le doy la vuelta y digo bueno, no importa, sé que al fin y al cabo… pero para mí eso no es tener éxito en uno la lengua. Es tener éxito en un uso determinado de una lengua, pero tener éxito es quererla poderte expresar realmente. y a mi me parece que eso en muchos casos no se ha conseguido. Se puede llegar a conseguir, no te digo que no. (from life-story interview with Margarita)

Margarita’s statement begins with a simple recognition, yes, Language policy has been a success in keeping the knowledge of Basque alive and growing. It is followed by a paragraph with anecdotal evidence show how there is knowledge of Basque without love for it. She refers to her traumatic experience, she alludes to taunting and name-calling. The resentment results in her avoidance to speak it and she notes her son though highly competent in the language, avoids speaking it as well.

Those who are learning Basque out of obligation would have probably not done so for what they deem are practical reasons: why learn a dying language?, what good will this language serve? It is better to dedicate the time to learning English, French or German, those are languages that open doors for greater opportunity. In her mixed review, Margarita, after having stated that it is possible to teach Basque and promote affection for the language, turns around and recognizes that the language learned is only useful in the immediate geography and quite useless just a few miles out.

"tanto y tanto esfuerzo para hablar una lengua que sólo te sirve en unos pocos kilómetros que vas 10 kilómetros para allí y no te sirve, vas 20 kilómetros y no te sirve, si te sirve, no pero me preocupa. " (from life story interview with Margarita)

For this group that does not identify first as Basque, the emphasis is on the visible changes that have occurred in the school system. In just, 12 years, schools that taught only in Spanish have disappeared. Now, only a few teach most subjects in Spanish and have Basque as a second language. In the entire Oarsoaldea region, there is only one public school and two private Catholic schools that offer this Spanish immersion alternative. School closings, changes in language education, the emergence of Basque signs on storefronts, the requirement of Basque written and oral skills in certain government positions, the change has been dramatic for those who do not feel Basque.

Margarita’s family experience foreshadows the mixed review that language policy receives from children of mixed ethnic background. Most children of Spanish immigrants and mixed Spanish and Basque marriages make up the controversial new hyphenated ethnic identities: Spanish-Basque, Basque-Spanish. When evaluating the success of language policy these combined ethnicities are evenly divided in their opinion regardless of whether they identify themselves first with either Spanish or Basque.

For those who consider themselves Euskaldunak, Basqueness as an active political and cultural statement, Language Policy has not been a success. Most of the people in this group were also born1 in traditionally Basque areas according to the geo-ethnic imaginary boundaries2 (Anderson 1992). The most dramatic example of this correlation between ethnic identity and birthplace is found among Oiartzungoak, who for the most part are Euskaldunak and the towns’ geo-ethnic imaginary boundaries roughly coincide with its political boundaries. Here, 74% of the survey participants overwhelmingly described the government’s language policy as not having been a success. If one looks at the physical town boundaries for particular tendencies one would quickly note a marked difference between the opinions of those who live in Oiartzun and those who live in Renteria. Citizens of Renteria were clearly divided in their opinion with a slight majority, 48%, declaring the policies a success. However, when one considers the geo-ethnic imaginary boundaries in Renteria more uniformity of opinions is found. The vast majority of citizens of the Basque imaginary town Orereta, like the citizens of Oiartzun, agreed that the government’s language policy has not been a success.

An example of a daughter of Orereta, Jaione though recognizing that knowledge of Basque is growing will not give credit to the government or its policies. Any linguistic gain for the Basque language is due to the efforts of grass roots movements. Once again the prevailing opinion is that the government has not had a coherent policy.

Esos no tienen meta, estos pobres no tienen meta, por dejadez… no la llevan a cabo porque cada 4 años nos cambiamos de gobierno y cada 4 años viene un partido con sus criterios, no hay una unificación de ideas y porque les interesa mandar bien o mal hay que mandar. (from interview with Jaione)

Breaking any expectations of basic Basque ethnic uniformity on this issue are those who identified themselves as "vascos". Only 19% of vascos considered Language policy not to have been a success. The fact that these individuals affirm their Basque identity but do not use the term Euskaldun may explain the departure in opinion from Euskaldunak. Those who choose to use the term "Vasco" are at the same time choosing not to use the more culturally, linguistically and politically charged alternative term. Avoiding potentially radical political opinions is also what is reflected in their statement that the government’s language policy has been a success. Their response recognizes that the linguistic environment has changed and their hesitance to alienate the Spanish population or alarm the Spanish government. This group is traditionally Basque, they share Basque heritage, culture in their family and everyday life, and are mostly politically conservative.

"yo creo que tienen, y tienen una política buena, no, que está basada en la educación, no, y del niño para arriba. No soy ningún experto para saber si hubiese sido posible o conveniente hacer otra política. Entonces como creo que somos, diríamos, trabajamos en el gobierno en algunas de sus ramas, pues te das cuenta que poco a poco, en este país está siendo cada vez más evidente que todo va a pasar por el euskera. Que las presiones profesionales van siendo poco a poco, el problema del euskera todavía sigue siendo que el mundo profesional vive de espalda al euskera. Entonces, claro, yo supongo que el gobierno vasco cuando empezó en el mundo profesional eso no se puede por decreto, no, yo creo que han sido inteligente de no hacerlo por decreto." (from interview with Mikel)

Continuing to scrutinize survey results according to geopolitical and geo-ethnic imaginary boundaries, participants who came from larger cities, like San Sebastian, and people who had come to Oarsoaldea from other places in the Basque Country agreed for the most part (67%) that Language Policy had been a success. Though some of these participants herald from places that might be considered part of the Basque imaginary and they consider themselves Euskaldun their perspective is less shaped by their place of birth as perhaps by their age and academic experience. This group is made up mostly of commuters or relocated people over the age of 33, who experienced Spanish-only education under the Franco regime and often had to leave to other regions to pursue university degrees. For most, Basques of this age group and older, disglosia was a way of life: Basque was the language of the home, of familiar bonds, and Spanish was the professional language, the language of access and opportunity. Individuals from this group also use the term Vasco.

In the general population regardless of ethnicity or mother tongue when the issue of schools imparting a specific political agenda is raised the question “Are schools politicized?” has an automatic translation: "Do ikastolas, or euskaltegis, promote Basque nationalist politics in their students?" Most people hesitate to answer this openly in the street to a stranger, but most everybody has their definite opinion. It is a debate that rages on behind closed doors, underscoring the importance of separating publicly expressed opinions and private individual opinion.

The issue made headlines in the media finally in March 1996 when policemen required to take Basque language courses did so at an euskaltegi and exposed to the public exercises oral and written that were explicitly empathetic to victims of police brutality during Basque nationalist manifestations. Out of the woodwork came several other testimonies of individuals who had felt harassed because of their political ideas at Euskaltegis. The implicit accusations of political bias and harassment was felt by Ikastolas who made several public announcements in this regard. This media event presented only one side of political ideology being expressed through education. As many ardent Euskalduns would argue, when Spanish politics are part of the curriculum in other schools, it is not an issue worth media attention.
If accusations fly in the face of Spanish and Basque immersion schools, how about public schools that teach a mixed language curriculum? Schools teaching Mod. B, possessing a mixed language curriculum, more readily escape fast opinions regarding the presence of a political agenda or a political leaning among the school community. I have heard more than one person argue that this mixed language model, unlike the immersion models in Mod. A or Mod. D, is the most recent to surface, thus explaining the yet to be defined critique. This explanation however reveals the association that any immersion model has regardless of the overall changes in curriculum. In this sense, schools with Spanish or Basque dominant curriculum are more easily victims to preconceived notions.
Ikastolas are especially vulnerable to assumptions of politically driven education because of their particular history. Over the past 30 years, ikastolas have evolved with the consent and support of parents and teachers without changing its main goal, to create bilingual individuals capable of functioning in all aspects of their life in both Basque and Spanish. The collaboration and impetus of working among like-minded parties has the unintended consequence of making those with a difference of opinion feel alienated or even threatened. The common criticism of ikastolas is that they merge education with Basque nationalist politics and promote intolerance. The counter argument is that any school that does not include Basque language education as a priority in its curriculum is also promoting intolerance and the specific national politics of the Spanish nationalism.
I asked survey participants, without specifying one school system or the other, whether they felt schools imparted certain political ideologies unto their students. Though the single most frequent response was "yes, of course", when we look at the gradient of possible answers1-5, 3 being neutral, the majority (42%) of the survey participants stated that this was not the case. Though according to the survey the majority of the population does not consider schools to impart any particular political ideology, the results are so close that it is not clear that had another random selection of people been gathered the results would have been different. As is, it seems that the most influential factors are ethnicity and political ideology, which themselves are not unrelated.
The most noteworthy influence among respondents was the primary ethnic association with Spanish identity. Whether people identified themselves as Spanish or Spanish-Basque seemed to more often to correlate with a affirmation that schools were politicized. Breaking the expected pattern, however, that among those who were born in Spain the opinions on this matter were evenly split. This unexpected result leads me to consider that among those who identified themselves as Spanish perhaps it was the second generation Spanish that most acutely feels the pressure to conform. It is the generation of Spanish born in the Basque Country who have lived through the changes in language policy and the infra-valorization of Spanish language and culture.
When we consider the geo-ethnic imaginary boundaries, we find that even in these areas where culture, worldview and ethnicity seem to converge there is no striking majority of opinion only simple majority of votes. Still, in each geo-ethnic imaginary town, the majority of the opinion agreed with the ethnic tendency. Whereby the majority of those who live in Renteria, agreed that schools were politicized, and the majority of those who live in Errenteria or Orereta schools were not politicized. The statement that schools are not politicized reflects one of two positions. The most common implied statement is "no, ikastolas are not politicized". The second is a desire to state that Basque society as a whole is beyond politically biased education. An affirmation that discrimination on the basis of ethnicity or politics does not occur anymore. As every where else in Europe, education just is, it is neutral.

Xabier, a bus driver of Basque descent, reflects the reality of those who grew up in Rentería and are 30-40 years old. Though his background is ethnic Basque, to avoid the hated public schools he went to a seminary. At the seminary they receive only Spanish education and thus end up loosing grammatical fluency in Basque as his bilingual parents accommodate their children by conversing with them in Spanish, they loose exposure to the Basque language. In a period of trying to reassert his Basqueness he joins the militant youth in acts of street violence. Xabier, though ethnic Basque will not identify himself as euskaldun, but as Vasco and in keeping with this distinction he calls his native city Rentería though he recognizes Errenteria to be the more correct name.

In answering the issue of schools with political affiliation, Xabier explains,

yo creo que si, no es solamente el asunto político, bueno van mezclao, yo creo que es cuestión de sentimiento, un tío que se sienta español y no se sienta vasco no le interesa para nada el euskera ni la cultura euskalduna, porque no la siente… va al modelo A….mod. b y d va de todo. (from a life-story Interview of Xabier)

On one hand, Xabier’s first reaction is to say ‘Yes, schools are politicized and he gives an example of how those attending Spanish immersion schools reflect a population that feels Spanish and does not recognize or value Basque culture.’ His response reflects the native sensitivity to the question and responds accordingly, assuming his duty to expose the political affiliation of the Spanish immersion education as a way of defending from the common attack on Basque language schooling. His perspective shows a keen sensitivity to the silent bias often overlooked as “neutrality” of Spanish-only education. Reflecting his moderated views that stem from his mixed upbringing he wants to defend the efforts made thus far in Basque education so he closes his statement by stating the “neutrality” of the two other models.
Though critical only of the political affiliation of Spanish only schools, Xabier is quick to qualify that present day Spanish-only, or Model A, schooling cannot be compared to the reality of public schools during Franco, "las nacionales solamente durante Franco, pero las públicas ya no." (Xabier). When the distinction is made between las nacionales and las públicas it refers to changes in degrees and form of repression. Public schools during Franco were Spanish-only and the omission of Basque language and culture was overt and purposeful, following hand in hand with disciplinary actions in schools against use of Basque. Others interviewed have provided examples of disciplinary actions in school for use of Basque colors such as those on the Basque flag (red, green and white) adorning her hair as a child. In contrast, nowadays , Xabier argues the repression is covert and is found in the omission of Basque language, in lack of promotion of Basque cultural events, or in the biased telling of history.

If Xabier’s reflects the tendency to answer the question in the negative, as 48% did, it seems that even when stating that “schools” are not politicized the underlying answer is that they are. The negative response rather than addressing schools as a whole repeatedly reveals a knee-jerk reaction that assumes a biased question: “No, Ikastolas are not politicized, but public schools with Spanish dominant curriculums are.”

Just as the issue of schools imparting politics quickly turns conversations into a discussion of ikastolas. The issue of discrimination in education is mostly talked about in reference to public schools. The dramatic changes public education has undergone have primarily unsettled the notion of a Spanish public school. Unlike ikastolas, change in the public sector came as a sharp departure from the pre-1982 main objective: to unite all of Spanish territory with only one language of education and access. This change from outside > in has resulted in the disempowerment of teacher and some parents. Teachers, many of which had relocated from other Spanish provinces, suddenly saw their experience and preparation being undermined because of their lack of competence in a language that had never before been a requisite for teaching. There were also parents who expected their children to attend the same public school system they knew they feel their choice was taken from them, they are alienated from the curriculum and the education that their children are receiving.

Discussion of discrimination against Spanish speakers sometimes revolves around ikastolas but this is usually not the case because of the population that chooses to attend and work in ikastolas have already made a choice to accept Basque as the dominant language for education. In ikastolas discrimination against Spanish speakers is then a matter of subtle peer pressure and innuendo that affects individuals that are not native Basque speakers and feel excluded or disregarded on occasion or might refer to years when access to ikastolas actively discriminated against Spanish speakers in favor of native Basque speakers.

When survey participants were asked whether education discriminated against Spanish Speakers, the overwhelming majority (64%) stated that it did not. The 15% that agreed to the discrimination were found in all ethnic categories but mostly comprised of individuals with Spanish ethnicity.

In fact, the only ethnic category with a majority agreement to discrimination was Spanish, though a
significant 34% of all participants that identified themselves as Spanish did not believe there to be discrimination. Looking at the schooling experience of survey participants who identified themselves as Spanish, we find that most of them 70% went to public schools, 26% went to Catholic schools and only 4% went to ikastolas. Consistently, those individuals with a Spanish identity who did attend ikastolas did not believe there was any discrimination. This assessment may reflect a mechanism for wanting to fit in by immersion and by not reaffirming any difference or it may reflect the strong support and encouragement given to this small Spanish minority that is actively seeking to belong. The percentage of Spanish students who find there is discrimination against Spanish speakers in education makes up nearly half of all positive answers though they make up only
14% of all survey participants.

The only other socialvariables where a majority of participants coincided with discrimination were found in the section of ideal political future. Individuals who agreed that Spanish speakers were discriminated against in education selected the ideal state of government to be
anything but increased sovereignty to the region or left the question blank.

In interviews, discrimination against Spanish speakers was usually overlooked as a
non-issue, except when discussed among Euskaldunak concerned with the eventual normalization of Basque and policy design. Maite, who is employed by one of the municipal governments in Oarsoaldea, is sensitive to the discrimination that might result from ill-conceived policies. In her mind, when asked about bilingual education her first reaction is to criticize the petty politics involved in its design and implementation. According to Maite, the misguided desire to please everybody led to the creation of 3 models rather than 2. In her estimation, the Spanish dominant model delays normalization and creates a marginalized class that is ill suited for work in the
Basque Country. In wanting to “protect” or “respect” Spanish only speakers, not only are they missing out on an opportunity to develop bilingual skills, they are doomed find themselves unprepared for the increasingly common linguistic requirements in private, government and educational jobs.

todo eso siempre es como mucho jaleo político más que una política seria de política lingüística, yo creo, ahí sí que ha entrao eso de respetar a todo el mundo, que si hay alguien de escuelas solo en castellano, no sé, no tiene sentido mantener una escuela única y exclusivamente en castellano … para mí no tiene ningún sentido porque es que esos niños van a estar ya marginaos a sí mismos. O sea, en el momento que se van a estudiar a otro
instituto van a tener más problemas y en el momento que vayan a buscar un trabajo ni te cuento. Y además que es mantener como un hermetismo contra el euskera. no. (from interview with Maite)

In summary, the survey shows that discrimination is felt most clearly by second generation Spanish immigrants. Aggravating their feeling of transgression the majority of the people surveyed are blind to the discrimination. Those who do see the discrimination point out that discrimination is institutionalized in a misguided attempt to provide diversity rather than prepare all citizens to compete on a level playing field.

For many people the decision to close some schools and not others is the clearest example of schools being used as political pawns. It is an experience to which anybody in Oarsoaldea can relate. If a school has not been closed within a mile radius of where they live, there have been Ikastolas going private or public, or talks of collapsing schools into one. Public opinion over this question was primarily gathered through individual interviews. A review of the answers reveals three overriding themes: (1) the government has forced changes in schools out of a need to restructure the school funding, (2) the government did so as an endorsement of the ikastolas, or (3) the changes respond to a government strategy to divide, control and weaken the Ikastola movement after it was clear that public schools’ populations were dwindling.

–section unfinished– 

Broad public oppinion understood that the current
plethora of schools was unsustainable for the government.

The need for change However, even in this broad
support there are mixed reasons given besides

The review of the past three questions accentuates the perception that schools are another tool in the maneuvering of political factions and nationalistic ideologies. In an attempt to explore alternative explanations for school closings and for the assumption that schools are politicized or even more dramatically, that schools are enforcers of political agendas. In order to sidestep the political explanations and enter into the subject of quality of education, I asked survey and interview participants to evaluate Spanish language education.

Had the same question been presented entertain questions of quality of Basque language education there is greater likelihood of consensus, because it is prevailing opinion held by all sides that learning the Basque language is difficult for non-native speakers and creating an environment where children converse freely in the language requires great effort and commitment. The flip side of the issue of language education is the uncontested assumption that Spanish will be taught. Spanish language education is perhaps the subject matter of least concern because it is assumed that it can be learned outside of school because it is the dominant language of media, commerce and on the street.

Because it is not an subject that can only be provided through schooling, this question driving conversation away from politics and provides quick access to an individual’s assessment of what classroom and schools do to make Spanish acquisition better. The downside of this question is that not everybody might be concerned with correctness of Spanish usage but the upside is that it will reveal those that are thinking in terms of quality and scrutinizing schools for their academic rigor.
When asked if some schools taught better Spanish than others, 43% replied in the affirmative. Only 37% thought there was no real difference in quality of Spanish education received among different institution. When we look at the effect different social variables seemed to have over a positive or negative reply, we find that place of birth and

In 43% said yes, 37% said no.

cómo vez la enseñanza de castellano en Langaitz?
"mal, muy mal,
bueno pero qué cambios harías?
primero la programaría bien, y que hasta ahora pues ha sido una maría, porque y es por ejemplo lo que veo en las ikastolas, no, que el objetivo fundamental es aprender el euskera, pero es que luego al final hay muchos niños que el castellano, que indudablemente se necesita, se necesita, pues hay unas deficiencias, pero básicas, básicas, empezando por la ortografía, por la construcción de frases (excerpt from interview with Lourdes, teacher at LI)